BLF takes note of complaints about fly-by-night recruitment agencies and job scams

Black First Land First (BLF) receives many complaints from black people who have been exploited through fly-by-night recruitment agencies operating in big metros.

These fake recruitment agencies operate on social media platforms using job advertisements. The unsuspecting victims call the numbers and are then invited to the offices of these con artists.

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BLF rejects the white monopoly capital budget speech

The turn to neoliberalism is in full swing in South Africa. The budget speech today clearly shows this. Malusi Gigaba delivered a proper “New Deal” budget which is anti-Radical Economic Transformation (RET). In order to thank white monopoly capital for the help in ousting President Jacob Zuma, Gigaba and Cyril Ramaphosa taxed the poor and left corporate tax unchanged.

Black First Land First (BLF) has been saying that the program of the Ramaphosa government is based on the “New Deal” and not RET. When they mention RET, it is merely to fool the people. Ramaphosa talks RET a little and walks a lot of New Deal. There is no doubt that Ramaphosa is defying the African National Congress (ANC) 54th conference resolutions.

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BLF-WC calls for a Radical Economic Transformation (RET) Budget Speech!

Black First Land First Western Cape (BLF-WC) calls on the Minister of Finance, Malusi Gigaba, to reject London and Skele
mbosch and endorse a Radical Economic Transformation (RET) budget!

The coup that removed Jacob Zuma as President of the Republic of South Africa is now complete. The Mining Charter has been recalled by the President of White Monopoly Capital, Cyril Ramaphosa. The call for the privatisation of State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) is louder. Gigaba’s future hangs by a thread.

Black life under a white economy is one of poverty, dispossession and oppression. We need courage and commitment to implement Radical Economic Transformation, for black liberation now!

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The apartheid crimes of Ramaphosa’s WMC mentor and handler – FW de Klerk

The apartheid crimes of Ramaphosa’s WMC mentor and  handler – FW de Klerk

Cyril Ramaphosa’s ‘New Deal’ SONA got the approval of the invited guest of honor, an apartheid mass murderer, FW de Klerk. This revealing moment, which has significantly confirmed the return of the country to settler white monopoly capital, has conjured up painful images of the massacres and other crimes that the former apartheid president (FW de Klerk) has had a direct hand in and presided over.

BLF would like to remind our people of exactly who FW de Klerk – the man that Ramaphosa and the opposition parties who service white monopoly capital are upholding in high esteem – is.

On 8 May 2017 BLF laid several charges and complaints against FW de Klerk regarding his apartheid crimes against black people. The crimes, masterminded by de Klerk (often in partnership with Adrian Vlok), include the following: Sebokeng Massacre 22 July 1990 – 27 blacks dead; Sebokeng 26 March 1990 – 13 blacks killed; Daveyton massacre, 14 March 1991, 13 blacks murdered; Nangalembe Night Vigil Massacre; Sebokeng, 12 January 1991, 45 Blacks murdered; Biopatong Massacre, 17 June 1992 – 45 blacks murdered, 27 injured; Shell House Massacre, 28 March 1994 – 19 murdered; Umtata Raid, 8 October 1993 – Five Sleeping Youth Murdered; and The Cradock Four, 27 JUNE 1985

It makes sense why under Ramaphosa there will be no land expropriation; Free education will not be for all; the Mining Charter has been surrendered; no State Bank; and no nationalisation of SARB.

To be precise BLF laid 22 criminal charges against F.W. De Klerk and 16 criminal charges against Adrian Vlok.

CHARGES LAID WITH THE SOUTH AFRICAN POLICE SERVICES

Charges 1 to 8 of the 22 charges as well as Complaints 1 to 2 are highlighted below.

1. CHARGE ONE: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject

Sebokeng Massacre 22 July 1990 – 27 blacks dead

Particulars

On 22 July 1990 the IFP called a peace rally in Sebokeng. To this end (and before the rally) COSATU attempted to obtain an urgent interdict restraining the IFP from having the rally based on intelligence reports from hostels which suggested that the IFP was forcing hostel dwellers to join the political party. At or around the same time in July 1990 the ANC warned De Klerk’s Minister of Law and Order Adrian Vlok of the imminent IFP attacks on ANC supporters in Sebokeng. The Apartheid Government did nothing to stop the attacks and consequently on 22 July 1990, twenty seven black people were murdered by the IFP members in the streets of Sobokeng as they returned to their hostels from the rally.

FW De Klerk, as President of RSA and Adrian Vlok as Minister of Law and Order both being members of the SSC at the relevant time, are directly responsible and accountable for the deaths of the people that occurred on 22 July 1990 at Sebokeng.

As the order to murder emanated from a decision taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their respective capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

2. CHARGE TWO: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject: Sebokeng 26 March 1990 – 13 blacks killed

Particulars

Police opened fire on 26 March 1990 on a crowd of 50 000 people as they marched from Sebokeng to Vereeniging to present a list of grievances. Mr Bavumile Vilakazi of the Vaal Civic Association handed a petition to the police commander. Suddenly and without warning and as Mr Bavumile was addressing the crowd the police opened fire. At least thirteen people were killed and 400 others were injured. Most of those who were injured were shot in the back which suggested that they were fleeing when they were shot.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

3. CHARGE THREE: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject: Nangalembe Night Vigil Massacre, Sebokeng, 12 January 1991, 45 Blacks murdered

Particulars

On 12 January 1991, in Sebokeng, forty-five black people were killed at a night funeral vigil for Mr Christopher Nangalembe who was an ANCYL member. The IFP affiliated Khetisi Kheswa gang led by Mr Victor Khetisi Kheswa was responsible (in the line of perpetrators) for the death of Christopher Nangalembe. Mandla Nangalembe, the bother of the deceased, approached the police for protection regarding the night vigil. His request was however ignored. Subsequently on the night in question the Kheswa gang upon arriving at the funeral vigil “opened fire and lobbed three hand grenades into the crowd” thereby kills 45 black people.

It must be stated that while the Khetisi Kheswa gang, the IFP and the Police are jointly responsibility for the Massacre and for the prior killing of Christopher Nangalembe – the complicity of FW De Klerk (as President of RSA and a member of the SSC) as well as Adrian Vlok (as Minister of Law and Order and a member of the SSC) in this heinous crime must be thoroughly addressed so as to ensure real justice. There were strong links between FW De Klerk and Adrian Vlok as members of the SSC on the one hand and to the IFP and the Kheswa gang on the other. The IFP clearly operated to further the decisions of the apartheid regime taken at the SSC meetings to kill blacks and to this end supplied weapons to the Khetisi Kheswa gang.

Furthermore as the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

4. CHARGE FOUR: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject: Daveyton massacre, 14 March 1991, 13 blacks murdered

Particulars

On 14 March 1991 the police opened fire on crowd of about 200 residents who were ANC supporters. The crowd had gathered “because they feared an attack following an Inkatha rally in the township”. Thirteen people were murdered and twenty-nine injured. According to the police they shot at the group because they were attacked by them and also the group had “hacked one policeman to death.” The TRC found inter alia that the SAP was responsible for the massacre in that they used excessive force and by their failure to use non-lethal means of controlling the crowd.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

5. CHARGE FIVE: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W. DE KLERK

Subject: Biopatong Massacre, 17 June 1992 – 45 blacks murdered, 27 injured

On 17 June 1992 a group of about 300 IFP affiliated armed men from the Kwa Madala Hostel in Sebokeng Township invaded and attacked the Joe Slovo Informal settlement in Boipatong. Forty-five blacks were murdered and 27 others were seriously injured. The evidence before the TRC suggests that the actions of IFP were intended to undermine the prevailing negotiations between the apartheid government and the ANC which resulted in the ANC withdrawing from negotiations which in turn resulted in the termination of the first Congress for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA I). To this end the IFP was manipulated by the apartheid government led by De Klerk as President so as to undermine and weaken the ANC in the period leading up to the April 1994 elections. FW De Klerk used the IFP led by Chief Mangosutho Buthelezi as a third force to cause turmoil and death. In elaboration the attack on blacks was a “carefully planned and executed strategic operation” that entailed the SADF and the police working closely with the IFP.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

6. CHARGE SIX: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W DE KLERK

Subject: Umtata Raid, 8 October 1993 – Five Sleeping Youth Murdered

Particulars

Five sleeping youths which included two twelve-year-old children were murdered on 8 October 1993 when the SADF raided what was alleged to have been an APLA base in Mpendulo, Northcrest in Umtata.

According to a press statement issued by the then Minister of Defence HJ ‘Kobie’ Coetsee the purpose of the raid – founded on an intelligence report received by the SADF – was to prevent APLA operatives (who used the Transkei for their operations with the help of Bantu Holomisa) from attacking certain “civilians”. The SADF strike was conducted by the 45 Parachute Brigade, under the command of Colonel Hannes Venter. The SADF’s Army Chief, General Georg Meiring, told the TRC that APLA had launched in excess of fifty attacks beyond the Transkei border during the period before October 1993. In relation to the case at hand the intelligence report indicated that the residence in Mpendulo was utilised as an “APLA arms facility and base from which attacks in the Eastern and Western Cape were launched”. The intelligence further suggested that eighteen APLA operatives were living in the house. In this context and in in August 1993 the SSC discussed the situation and decided to move on APLA. In this regard it must be stated that the Goldstone Commission of Enquiry subsequently found that Transkei under the leadership of Bantu Holomisa had played a pivotal role in availing a safe house for the APLA leadership and operatives as well as in providing military training for APLA soldiers.

With the approval of De Klerk’s Minister of Defence, Coetsee, on 2 October 1993 an army reconnaissance operation was established. Hours later an instruction (emanating from the SSC) “to conduct a limited strike on the house” in order “to neutralise the target” was issued. The reconnaissance operation withdrew some 8 hours before the operation started. It is important to point out that the said SSC meeting was “attended by, inter alia, Ministers Kriel, Coetsee, Pik Botha and then State President FW de Klerk.” When 45 Parachute Brigade entered the house they shot five young boys who were asleep.

In this regard General Meiring’s evidence at the TRC was that “all (five youth) were killed because they reacted hostilely”. To this end he stated that “one of the youths had sat up with a weapon in his hand” and that “(w)hile the operatives had been given instructions to incur minimum loss of life, they were also told to avoid endangering themselves and, in this respect, had a license to shoot.” However photographs of the scene presented at the TRC showed the youths ‘riddled with bullets” in their beds. There were no weapons in sight from the photographs and evidence of claims of “seventy-eight cartridges and twenty-six projectiles” and a reinforced storage room with a weapons cache outside the house were never produced.

It is instructive to point out that De Klerk has not denied ordering the Umtata raid of 8 October 1993. Sigqibo Mpendulo, a PAC activist, ex Robbin Island prisoner and the father of the 16-year-old twins who were murdered in the Umtata raid called in vain for the prosecution of De Klerk for his complicity in the relevant crimes. He pointed out that the “modus operandi” of the attack ordered by De Klerk was to murder everyone in the targeted house as was the case with the raids he ordered in Zimbabwe and Mozambique.

Failure on the part of the SADF to produce the allegedly seized weapons for “independent forensic examination” is an indication that the so called “seizure of weapons” was an excuse used for entry to the house so as to murder innocent blacks they suspected of being opponents of the Apartheid Regime. Furthermore the actions of the SADF were in line with the instruction given by the SSC in this regard.

Accordingly as the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

7. CHARGE SEVEN: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W DE KLERK

Subject: Shell House Massacre, 28 March 1994 – 19 murdered

Particulars

Nineteen blacks died in circumstances relating to a political demonstration which occurred in Johannesburg on 28 March 1994. In this regard ten people died in incidents which occurred in the vicinity of the Library Gardens in Johannesburg and nine others died in two incidents which occurred in and around the ANC’s regional Office at Lancet Hall and its national headquarters at Shell House.

Early in the morning of 28 March 1994, Mr Themba Khoza described as a “political director” of the IFP by witnesses in “The Joint Inquest Concerning the Death of PHENDUKANI ZONDI and Eighteen others” was telephoned by Captain Wilken (being the person in charge of community liaison) who reported to him that commuters were being stoned and intimidated in Alexandra. The report of the above mentioned Inquest indicates that:

“(a) transcript of that conversation records Captain Wilken saying to Mr Khoza that “your people are breaking down the place,” to which there is the extraordinary reply that he “must expect that”. When Captain Wilken told him that people were “throwing stones etc, etc” Mr Khoza replied that “things have changed now,” and “it look like Inkatha is not going to be the same all the way now. So it’s a question of expect that”. Captain Wilken told him that he had been in touch with the Internal Stability Unit, who wanted to block the people from coming into town, to which Mr Khoza replied that they “should not try that”.

Quite clearly the intention was to bring death and destruction to the centre of Johannesburg. In this regard the organisers made no attempt to organise the event in such a way so as to minimise turmoil and avoid the loss of black lives. Thousands of people gathered in the city and their progression to that point was characterized by “widespread intimidation and vandalism.”

The events of 28th March 1994 were inextricably linked to the political rivalry between the IFP and ANC which had intensified at the relevant time concerned. These events occurred less than one month before South Africa’s first “democratic” election took place on 7 April 1994. On or about February 1994 the IFP announced its opposition to the holding of the said election. It subsequently decided on holding a gathering at the Library Gardens for the purpose of launching its “anti-election campaign”.

In the context of the political situation that prevailed the purpose went beyond the mere holding of a gathering at Library Gardens in Johannesburg to vocalize and register the grievances of the IFP. There was clearly an intention on the part of FW De Klerk as former President of Apartheid SA to demonstrate to blacks in general and to the ANC in particular the strength which the Apartheid regime and its alliances could garner and the capacity it had to cause turmoil including the senseless murdering of blacks if white interests were placed under threat. Taking all the material factors into account including the conduct of those who perpetrated violence; the disregard by the police of the intelligence it received; the speeches made by the leadership of the IFP being Mr Khoza and Mr Ndlovu, and; the political situation that prevailed at the given time – it is clear that the IFP was instructed by the Apartheid regime under the leadership and presidency of FW De Klerk. To this end FW De Klerk was part of the SSC that made the decision to murder black leadership and key activist elements engaged in the liberation struggle leading up the birth of the ANC government on 27 April 1994.

Accordingly as the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

8. CHARGE EIGHT: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W DE KLERK

Subject: The Cradock Four, 27 JUNE 1985

Particulars

FW De Klerk was a member of the State Security Council (SSC) where a decision was taken to murder Matthew Goniwe who was a political activist and a teacher in the Eastern Cape. To this end the secret minutes of the said SSC meeting indicates that Mr De Klerk, in his capacity as cabinet minister, supported the decision to murder Matthew Goniwe as he (Mr Goniwe) was “at the forefront of a revolutionary attack against the state”. In this regard Jaap van Jaarsveld a security policeman testified at the TRC hearings that his subsequent recommendation to the SSC was that Mr Goniwe be “taken out” on a deserted road. Fifteen months following the aforesaid SSC decision on 27 June 1985, Mr Goniwe together with three other Eastern Cape UDF activists were “stopped at a roadblock, strangled with telephone wire, stabbed and shot to death” by members of the security police. The three other activists were Sparrow Mkonto, Fort Calata and Sicelo Mhlauli. They were driving back Cradock after attending a meeting in Port Elizabeth. Moreover their faces were burned and mutilated to prevent identification and Mr Goniwe’s hands were cut off. The word used, as indicated in the minutes of the SSC meeting, to describe the criminal act of murder on Mr Goniwe is the Afrikaans word “verwyder” which translates as “remove, get rid of, put out of the way, dispose of, eliminate, estrange, obviate”.

Four Eastern Cape UDF activists were abducted and assassinated by members of the security police on 27 June 1985 as they drove back to Cradock from a meeting in Port Elizabeth. The four were Matthew Goniwe, Sparrow Mkonto and Fort Calata from Cradock, and Sicelo Mhlauli from Oudtshoorn. Prior to being murdered all of them were periodically “detained, tortured and harassed by the police”.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

COMPLAINTS AGAINST F.W. DE KLERK VIA THE SOUTH AFRICAN HUMAN RIGHTS COMMISSION

COMPLAINT 1: RACISM (VIA THE SAHRC)

ACCUSED: F.W. DE KLERK

On 29 May 2015 F.W. De Klerk told the Bondsraad that apartheid was not a crime against humanity

FW De Klerk is a racist. He has since the 1994 political settlement continued to be racist and to this end shows no remorse for his anti-black apartheid era crimes. To this end his speech on May 29, 2015 to the Bondsraad at the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria entitled “Afrikaans identity under huge pressure” where he unapologetically made the following is instructive:

“But was apartheid a ‘crime against humanity’ as the ANC so frequently insists?…The idea that apartheid was ‘a crime against humanity’ was, and remains, an ‘agitprop’project initiated by communists to stigmatise white South Africans by associating them with genuine crimes against humanity – which have generally included totalitarian repression and the slaughter of millions of people.”

De Klerk’s above remarks, in the context of the anti-black outcomes of the crimes that he himself has committed as indicated in the charges and complaints above, is racist. He must be made to account and pay for this blatant act of racism to the full extent of the law.

COMPLAINT 2: RACISM (VIA THE SAHRC)

ACCUSED: F.W. DE KLERK

FW De Klerk’s complaints on or about 15 January 2015 to the SAHRC on 45 allegedly racist posts by black people in the social media

FW De Klerk’s complaints to the SAHRC on 15 January 2016 against black people who made certain comments in 45 social media posts that he alleged to be racist is in itself an act of racism. The comments made by blacks on social media that are the subject matter of the complaint made by FW De Klerk via his FW De Klerk Foundation is a response to the racism of white supremacy. South Africa is a white supremacist society’s in terms of which the white power structure benefits whites at the expense of blacks. To this end blacks can’t be racist. To accuse blacks of racism when they make certain utterances against whites which at best can be described as prejudice (which is the case here) – is itself an act of racism as the accuser who has institutional power to be racist is seeking to deprive blacks of the right to respond to racism. De Klerk’s complaints to the SAHRC must be dismissed and he must in turn be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for racism.

Read the “List Of Charges via The Criminal Justice System Against F.W. De Klerk and Adrian Vlok” here.

Also read the “List Of Complaints To The SAHRC Against F.W. De Klerk and Adrian Vlok” here.

Issued by the National Coordinating Committee of Black First Land First (BLF NCC)

19 February 2018

Black First Land First Email: [email protected]
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Website: www.blf.org.za

Zanele Lwana
(Deputy President)
Cell: +27799867225

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957

Brian Tloubatla
(Deputy National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 82 216 7664