North West protests funded by Cyril Ramaphosa

North West protests funded by Cyril Ramaphosa

Black First Land First (BLF) has been reliably informed that the ongoing protests in the North West province are funded by white monopoly capital (WMC) to stop Radical Economic Transformation (RET). Members of the community who have been coerced with money and others who have been promised money have fingered China Dodovu and Collen Maine as the organisers of the well funded mayhem.

The protests are part of the program of the Cyril Ramaphosa faction to use money to sponsor a counter revolutionary situation in the North West. The main objective is to remove the North West Premier, Supra Mahumapelo, because he is seen as a supporter of President Zuma. Mahumapelo has also frightened the corrupt backers of Ramaphosa by calling for a comprehensive probe into corruption in the province. The plan is to try and remove Mahumapelo so that the corruption is not dealt with.

China Dodovu, the ring leader of the WMC funded protest, is a controversial figure in North West politics. Dodovu is a former Member of the Executive Council (MEC) of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs as well as the provincial deputy chairperson. He was arrested and charged in 2013 – together with the now North West secretary of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) Papiki Babuile – for the murder of Oubuti Chika in the run up to the Mangaung elective conference of the African National Congress (ANC) in 2012. At the time he was killed Chika was the regional secretary of the Dr Kenneth Kaunda district in the North West Province.

Mahumapelo has named Dodovu as one of the people who must be probed for corruption. The protests are a pre-emptive strike to evade the investigation into corruption. BLF accordingly calls for the following:

1. Ramaphosa must immediately distance himself from the sponsored protests in the North West.

2. Ramaphosa and his WMC backers must immediately desist from paying poor people to cause mayhem in the North West.

3. All those who have been paid or promised money to embark on the protests in the North West, must come forward and tell the truth.

4. Our people in the North West must refuse to be used by those who are responsible for the Marikana massacre – if they love you, they should be sharing the wealth of the province with you.

5. A Commission of Inquiry into the current protests in the North West must be instituted without delay so that the truth can come out.

The people of the North West Province are experiencing genuine service delivery challenges which must be addressed appropriately. In this context, we must refuse to be used by counter revolutionary forces who have been bought to stop RET.

Issued by Black First Land First, National Coordinating Committee of (BLF NCC)
28 April 2018

Black First Land First Email:[email protected]
Facebook: Black First Land First
Twitter: @black1stland1st
Website: www.blf.org.za

Zanele Lwana
(Deputy President)
Cell: +27799867225

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957

Brian Tloubatla
(Head of Media & Communications)
Cell: +27 82 216 7664

 

The apartheid crimes Ramaphosa’s WMC mentor and handler – FW de Klerk

The apartheid crimes Ramaphosa’s WMC mentor and  handler – FW de Klerk

The apartheid crimes Ramaphosa’s WMC mentor and handler – FW de Klerk

Cyril Ramaphosa’s ‘New Deal’ SONA got the approval of the invited guest of honor, an apartheid mass murderer, FW de Klerk. This revealing moment, which has significantly confirmed the return of the country to settler white monopoly capital, has conjured up painful images of the massacres and other crimes that the former apartheid president (FW de Klerk) has had a direct hand in and presided over.

BLF would like to remind our people of exactly who FW de Klerk – the man that Ramaphosa and the opposition parties who service white monopoly capital are upholding in high esteem – is.

On 8 May 2017 BLF laid several charges and complaints against FW de Klerk regarding his apartheid crimes against black people. The crimes, masterminded by de Klerk (often in partnership with Adrian Vlok), include the following: Sebokeng Massacre 22 July 1990 – 27 blacks dead; Sebokeng 26 March 1990 – 13 blacks killed; Daveyton massacre, 14 March 1991, 13 blacks murdered; Nangalembe Night Vigil Massacre; Sebokeng, 12 January 1991, 45 Blacks murdered; Biopatong Massacre, 17 June 1992 – 45 blacks murdered, 27 injured; Shell House Massacre, 28 March 1994 – 19 murdered; Umtata Raid, 8 October 1993 – Five Sleeping Youth Murdered; and The Cradock Four, 27 JUNE 1985

It makes sense why under Ramaphosa there will be no land expropriation; Free education will not be for all; the Mining Charter has been surrendered; no State Bank; and no nationalisation of SARB.

BACKGROUND

In the period 1990 and 1994, while the Apartheid regime under F. W. de Klerk and the ANC led by Nelson Mandela were negotiating a settlement, Apartheid South Africa’s townships were gripped by violence and death. The South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) estimated that an average of 101 people died per month in politically related incidents in the period July 1990 to June 1993. This average was increased 2.5 times in relation to the period July 1993 to April 1994. During the later period political unrest spread to the “PWV (Pretoria–Witwatersrand-Vereeniging) region in the Transvaal”. In this context the SAHRC estimated that in the PWV area between July 1990 and June 1993 in the region of 4 756 people were killed in politically related violence. Furthermore soon after the 1994 election date was announced the death toll increased four times as compared to its previous levels in the PWV region.

In October 1990, following the murders of many blacks in Sebokeng Nelson Mandela confronted F.W. de Klerk about “The Third Force” (Inkatha Freedom Party-IFP) being responsible for the murders. To this end De Klerk had already been briefed by his Minister of Defence, Magnus Malan, about the very same issue. In this regard nothing meaningful was done by De Klerk. In April 1991 following many more murders Mandela then demanded the dismissal of certain key ministers in the apartheid regime, but De Klerk declined to do so. In June 1991 after the publication of David Beresford’s article in “The Guardian” which indicated and referred to certain documents that proved that the apartheid government financed IFP violence on the ANC, De Klerk responded by discharging Adriaan Vlok (Minister of Law and Order) and Magnus Malan (Minister of Defence) from their ministerial posts. However he retained both Malan and Vlok in his cabinet. This means that these two ministers continued to serve in the State Security Council (SSC). In March 1993 when Mandela warned De Klerk there was imminent IFP violence directed at the ANC headquarters, De Klerk did not do anything to prevent this situation from being realized. Subsequently on 28 March 1994, 19 blacks were murdered in what became known as the Shell House Massacre. It was only after the said Shell House Massacre that De Klerk admitted that there was a “sinister force” at play within his Apartheid Regime. He however did not take any responsibility for any of the actions of this force.

The SA government gave “covert military assistance” to Inkatha via Operation Marion. To this end a SADF (South African Defence Force) Military Intelligence (MI) project was set up in early 1986 so as to assist Inkatha and the KwaZulu government with “various capabilities, including an offensive paramilitary capacity”. Consequently in 1986 about 200 Inkatha supporters were taken through the “Caprivi training” exercise which essentially entailed “clandestine training in offensive action” conducted by SADF Special Forces in the Caprivi Strip of Namibia. There is clear indication in “(s)ecret military intelligence documents” that the project was undertaken in furtherance of the strategic aims of the SA government and the SADF. The planning of this project occurred under the utmost secretive circumstances and to this end “involved the highest echelons of the State Security Council and Military Intelligence on the one hand, and Chief Buthelezi and his personal assistant, Mr MZ Khumalo, on the other”.

Furthermore, the SADF took every precaution to ensure the covert nature of the entire project and to hide and protect the funding source being the SA government. Mr Daluxolo Wordsworth Luthuli who was the political commissar and commander of the trainees indicated to the TRC that the aim of the Caprivi training was to equip Inkatha supporters to murder “members of the UDF/ANC”. Furthermore Luthuli and certain other Caprivi trainees told the TRC that “(t)hey knew that they were being trained as a hit squad”. The Caprivi trainees were subsequently involved in numerous violent offensives against the ANC/UDF arising from decisions taken at the SSC. Furthermore the Caprivi trainees, who constituted a significantly large proportion of the Inkatha support base, were subsequently “recruited to become special constables”. These special constables “formed the core of Inkatha/KZP hit squads set up by Inkatha office- bearers in the early 1990s” and many “were employed as instructors in the Mlaba self-protection unit (SPU) training project in 1993/4”. At least three blacks were killed in December 1986 at Mpophomeni township, just outside Howick in the attack by Caprivi trainees on prominent members of the Metal and Allied Workers Union (MAWU). Operation Marion was formally commanded into battle on 16 April 1986 resulting in the KwaMakutha Massacre on 21 January 1987 where 13 innocent blacks were murdered. (See “TRC Final Report, Volume 2, Chapter 5, Subsection 3”. See also “Caprivi Training – Death Squads”)

At least three UDF affiliated blacks were killed and many were attacked in the period May 1987 to February 1988 by Caprivi trainees. The attack was against residents of the Clermont community who rejected incorporation of Clermont into Durban. At the end of 1987 ten UDF supporters were killed in Imbali in an offensive led by Caprivi trainees. On 3 December 1988 11 blacks were murdered and 2 were injured in an attack by the IFP in Trust Feed which was a UDF stronghold.

In respect of the “Caprivi trainee project”, the TRC found that the SA government gave Inkatha a hit squad accordingly provided the necessary training as well as financial and logistical support and management for the project to run successfully. Moreover the TRC found that the SSC, Military Intelligence, Inkatha and the KwaZulu Police (KZP) were accountable for the human rights violations arising from the hit squad being established. (see TRC Final Report, Volume Five).

De Klerk denied that he was aware of any planned murders, assassinations and or other crimes that were committed to get rid of political opponents. De Klerk’s denial in this regard is disingenuous. As a cabinet minister from 1984 to 1989 and as State President from 1989 to 1994 he sat on the State Security Council which in turn made decisions on what strategies to employ to address black unrest. In this context how can he claim that he was unaware that gross violations of human rights were being committed on a periodic basis?

At the TRC hearing, when De Klerk was questioned about a SSC meeting where “shortening the list of politically sensitive individuals by means other than detention” was deliberated on, he declined to respond. He has to date refused to indicate what the phrase meant. Accordingly, the only reasonable inference to draw in the circumstances is that the “list of politically sensitive individuals” was intended to be shortened by murdering certain individuals on the list.

An important question arising in this context is why did De Klerk in his last months as President order the destruction of huge quantities of “documents, microfilm and computer tapes that dealt with matters such as the chain of command in covert operations”? (Chris McGreal in “Apartheid-era murder of sleeping teenagers returns to haunt De Klerk” – The Guardian, 6 August 2007)

Adrian Vlok was Minister of Law and Order from December 1986 to July 1991 first under the PW Botha Government and subsequently under the De Klerk Government. During this period he served as a member of the SSC.

In 1996 Vlok applied for amnesty. His application was limited to just his involvement in the COSATU House and Khotso House bombing of 1988 as well as the bomb scares at movie theaters showing the film “Cry Freedom” which relates to the death of Steve Biko. Vlok admitted that the bombings occurred but denied that he personally advocated them. He was granted amnesty in 1999 without showing any remorse for being complicit in the commission of the crimes for which he applied for amnesty. Remorse on the part of the applicant was one of the main requirements for being granted amnesty.

Ten years after his TRC hearings Vlok confessed to attempting to assassinate Frank Chikane in 1989. To this end he approached the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) to make a confession and this resulted in a guilty plea in court and a suspended sentence of 10 years. The sentenced imposed by the trial court invokes a deep sense of shock and was clearly not in accordance with real and substantial justice.

The major massacres occurring between 1990 and 1991 while both De Klerk and Adrian Vlok sat on the SSC were inter alia the following: the Sebokeng massacre on 22 July 1990 – twenty-seven blacks were killed; the Tembisa Vusimuzi hostel massacre on 12 September 1990 – twenty-five hostel residents were killed; the Jeppe Station train attack in Johannesburg, 13 September 1990 – twenty-six commuters were killed; the Thokoza Hostel massacre on 2 December 1990 – thirty residents were killed; the Sebokeng Funeral Vigil massacre on 12 January 1991 – thirteen people were killed; the Gobizitwna Beer Hall massacre in Sebokeng on 23 May 1991 – thirteen people were killed; the Alexandra Funeral Vigil massacre on 12 May 1992 – fifteen people were killed, and; the Swanieville squatter settlement massacre in Kagiso on 12 May 1991 – twenty-eight people were killed.

The major massacres that occurred between 1992 – 1993 while Former President De Klerk sat on the SSC were inter alia as follows: the Crossroads squatter camp massacre in Katlehong on 3 April 1992 – twenty one blacks were killed; the Boipatong massacre in Vaal on 17 June 1992 – forty blacks were killed, and; the Thokoza hostel massacre on May 1993 – sixteen hostel residents were killed. (See TRC Final Report, Volume 3, Chapter 6, Sub section 75)

The cases mentioned herein do not constitute an exhaustive catalogue of the crimes against blacks that De Klerk and Adrian Vlok were connected with. However they do serve to create an understanding of the anti-black violence and death that was brought to bear upon black people during the Apartheid era when De Klerk first as cabinet Minister and subsequently as President of SA and Adrian Vlok as Minister of Law and Order sat on the SSC. Against this backdrop FW De Klerk and in some cases both F.W. De Klerk and Adrian Vlok were clearly complicit in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks. Furthermore all their actions were intended to have anti-black outcomes being the murder of blacks who were opponents of apartheid which in turn is a system that seeks to secure the interests of the white minority through the oppression of the black majority. Accordingly their actions are clearly racist.

Furthermore, FW De Klerk following the 1994 political settlement has continued to be racist and to this end lacks contrition for his anti-black apartheid era crimes. On May 29, 2015 he told the Bondsraad at the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria that apartheid was not a crime against humanity. In this regard he said that this notion that apartheid was a crime against humanity remains a propaganda “project” of the communists to stigmatise SA whites as perpetrators of “genuine crimes against humanity” that has traditionally involved “totalitarian repression and the slaughter of millions of people.”

On 15 January 2016 De Klerk via his Foundation lodged a complaint with the SAHRC against black people who made certain allegedly “racist” comments in 45 social media posts. BLFs position is that blacks can’t be racist as they do not possess any institutional power for this kind of conduct. To this end the relevant comments made by blacks on social media is no more than responses to the racism of white supremacy that manifest as prejudice. De Klerk’s complaint of racism is in itself an act of racism since he as the possessor of institutional power to be racist seeks to deprive blacks of the right to respond to racism.

As can be gleaned from above, the SSC advised the apartheid government on national security policy and to this end its operations extended into creating mechanisms like death squads to murder certain political opponents of apartheid and to this end manage black resistance. The SSC further operated as the high command for national decision-making with a handpicked group of official who served as departmental heads for instance the head of the department of law and order. As the order(s) to murder emanated from decisions taken by the SSC of which De Klerk and in some cases both De Klerk and Adrian Vlok were a part of – both De Klerk and Adrian Vlok should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein. Moreover in the context of the anti-black outcomes of the apartheid era crimes that he himself has committed, De Klerk’s post 1994 acts of racism clearly suggests that he is an unrepentant racist.

To be precise BLF laid 22 criminal charges against F.W. De Klerk and 16 criminal charges against Adrian Vlok.

CHARGES/COMPLAINTS

Charges 1 to 8 of the 22 charges as well as Complaints 1 to 2 are highlighted below.

1. CHARGE ONE: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject

Sebokeng Massacre 22 July 1990 – 27 blacks dead

Particulars

On 22 July 1990 the IFP called a peace rally in Sebokeng. To this end and

before the rally COSATU attempted to obtain an urgent interdict restraining the IFP from having the rally based on intelligence reports from hostels which suggested that the IFP was forcing hostel dwellers to join the political party. At or around the same time in July 1990 the ANC warned De Klerk’s Minister of Law and Order Adrian Vlok of the imminent IFP attacks on ANC supporters in Sebokeng. The Apartheid Government did nothing to stop the attacks and consequently on 22 July 1990, twenty seven black people were murdered by the IFP members in the streets of Sobokeng as they returned to their hostels from the rally.

FW De Klerk, as President of RSA and Adrian Vlok as Minister of Law and Order both being members of the SSC at the relevant time, are directly responsible and accountable for the deaths of the people that occurred on 22 July 1990 at Sebokeng.

As the order to murder emanated from a decision taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their respective capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

2. CHARGE TWO: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject: Sebokeng 26 March 1990 – 13 blacks killed

Particulars

Police opened fire on 26 March 1990 on a crowd of 50 000 people as they marched from Sebokeng to Vereeniging to present a list of grievances. Mr Bavumile Vilakazi of the Vaal Civic Association handed a petition to the police commander. Suddenly and without warning and as Mr Bavumile was addressing the crowd the police opened fire. At least thirteen people were killed and 400 others were injured. Most of those who were injured were shot in the back which suggested that they were fleeing when they were shot.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

3. CHARGE THREE: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject: Nangalembe Night Vigil Massacre, Sebokeng, 12 January 1991, 45 Blacks murdered

Particulars

On 12 January 1991, in Sebokeng, forty-five black people were killed at a night funeral vigil for Mr Christopher Nangalembe who was an ANCYL member. The IFP affiliated Khetisi Kheswa gang led by Mr Victor Khetisi Kheswa was responsible (in the line of perpetrators) for the death of Christopher Nangalembe. Mandla Nangalembe, the bother of the deceased, approached the police for protection regarding the night vigil. His request was however ignored. Subsequently on the night in question the Kheswa gang upon arriving at the funeral vigil “opened fire and lobbed three hand grenades into the crowd” thereby kills 45 black people.

It must be stated that while the Khetisi Kheswa gang, the IFP and the Police are jointly responsibility for the Massacre and for the prior killing of Christopher Nangalembe – the complicity of FW De Klerk (as President of RSA and a member of the SSC) as well as Adrian Vlok (as Minister of Law and Order and a member of the SSC) in this heinous crime must be thoroughly addressed so as to ensure real justice. There were strong links between FW De Klerk and Adrian Vlok as members of the SSC on the one hand and to the IFP and the Kheswa gang on the other. The IFP clearly operated to further the decisions of the apartheid regime taken at the SSC meetings to kill blacks and to this end supplied weapons to the Khetisi Kheswa gang.

Furthermore as the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

4. CHARGE FOUR: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED 1: F.W. DE KERK

ACCUSED 2: ADRIAN VLOK

Subject: Daveyton massacre, 14 March 1991, 13 blacks murdered

Particulars

On 14 March 1991 the police opened fire on crowd of about 200 residents who were ANC supporters. The crowd had gathered “because they feared an attack following an Inkatha rally in the township”. Thirteen people were murdered and twenty-nine injured. According to the police they shot at the group because they were attacked by them and also the group had “hacked one policeman to death.” The TRC found inter alia that the SAP was responsible for the massacre in that they used excessive force and by their failure to use non-lethal means of controlling the crowd.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which they were both a part of, De Klerk and Adrian Vlok in their capacity as aforesaid should each be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for their complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

5. CHARGE FIVE: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W. DE KLERK

Subject: Biopatong Massacre, 17 June 1992 – 45 blacks murdered, 27 injured

On 17 June 1992 a group of about 300 IFP affiliated armed men from the Kwa Madala Hostel in Sebokeng Township invaded and attacked the Joe Slovo Informal settlement in Boipatong. Forty-five blacks were murdered and 27 others were seriously injured. The evidence before the TRC suggests that the actions of IFP were intended to undermine the prevailing negotiations between the apartheid government and the ANC which resulted in the ANC withdrawing from negotiations which in turn resulted in the termination of the first Congress for a Democratic South Africa (CODESA I). To this end the IFP was manipulated by the apartheid government led by De Klerk as President so as to undermine and weaken the ANC in the period leading up to the April 1994 elections. FW De Klerk used the IFP led by Chief Mangosutho Buthelezi as a third force to cause turmoil and death. In elaboration the attack on blacks was a “carefully planned and executed strategic operation” that entailed the SADF and the police working closely with the IFP.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

6. CHARGE SIX: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W DE KLERK

Subject: Umtata Raid, 8 October 1993 – Five Sleeping Youth Murdered

Particulars

Five sleeping youths which included two twelve-year-old children were murdered on 8 October 1993 when the SADF raided what was alleged to have been an APLA base in Mpendulo, Northcrest in Umtata.

According to a press statement issued by the then Minister of Defence HJ ‘Kobie’ Coetsee the purpose of the raid – founded on an intelligence report received by the SADF – was to prevent APLA operatives (who used the Transkei for their operations with the help of Bantu Holomisa) from attacking certain “civilians”. The SADF strike was conducted by the 45 Parachute Brigade, under the command of Colonel Hannes Venter. The SADF’s Army Chief, General Georg Meiring, told the TRC that APLA had launched in excess of fifty attacks beyond the Transkei border during the period before October 1993. In relation to the case at hand the intelligence report indicated that the residence in Mpendulo was utilised as an “APLA arms facility and base from which attacks in the Eastern and Western Cape were launched”. The intelligence further suggested that eighteen APLA operatives were living in the house. In this context and in in August 1993 the SSC discussed the situation and decided to move on APLA. In this regard it must be stated that the Goldstone Commission of Enquiry subsequently found that Transkei under the leadership of Bantu Holomisa had played a pivotal role in availing a safe house for the APLA leadership and operatives as well as in providing military training for APLA soldiers.

With the approval of De Klerk’s Minister of Defence, Coetsee, on 2 October 1993 an army reconnaissance operation was established. Hours later an instruction (emanating from the SSC) “to conduct a limited strike on the house” in order “to neutralise the target” was issued. The reconnaissance operation withdrew some 8 hours before the operation started. It is important to point out that the said SSC meeting was “attended by, inter alia, Ministers Kriel, Coetsee, Pik Botha and then State President FW de Klerk.” When 45 Parachute Brigade entered the house they shot five young boys who were asleep.

In this regard General Meiring’s evidence at the TRC was that “all (five youth) were killed because they reacted hostilely”. To this end he stated that “one of the youths had sat up with a weapon in his hand” and that “(w)hile the operatives had been given instructions to incur minimum loss of life, they were also told to avoid endangering themselves and, in this respect, had a license to shoot.” However photographs of the scene presented at the TRC showed the youths ‘riddled with bullets” in their beds. There were no weapons in sight from the photographs and evidence of claims of “seventy-eight cartridges and twenty-six projectiles” and a reinforced storage room with a weapons cache outside the house were never produced.

It is instructive to point out that De Klerk has not denied ordering the Umtata raid of 8 October 1993. Sigqibo Mpendulo, a PAC activist, ex Robbin Island prisoner and the father of the 16-year-old twins who were murdered in the Umtata raid called in vain for the prosecution of De Klerk for his complicity in the relevant crimes. He pointed out that the “modus operandi” of the attack ordered by De Klerk was to murder everyone in the targeted house as was the case with the raids he ordered in Zimbabwe and Mozambique.

Failure on the part of the SADF to produce the allegedly seized weapons for “independent forensic examination” is an indication that the so called “seizure of weapons” was an excuse used for entry to the house so as to murder innocent blacks they suspected of being opponents of the Apartheid Regime. Furthermore the actions of the SADF were in line with the instruction given by the SSC in this regard.

Accordingly as the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

7. CHARGE SEVEN: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W DE KLERK

Subject: Shell House Massacre, 28 March 1994 – 19 murdered

Particulars

Nineteen blacks died in circumstances relating to a political demonstration which occurred in Johannesburg on 28 March 1994. In this regard ten people died in incidents which occurred in the vicinity of the Library Gardens in Johannesburg and nine others died in two incidents which occurred in and around the ANC’s regional Office at Lancet Hall and its national headquarters at Shell House.

Early in the morning of 28 March 1994, Mr Themba Khoza described as a “political director” of the IFP by witnesses in “The Joint Inquest Concerning the Death of PHENDUKANI ZONDI and Eighteen others” was telephoned by Captain Wilken (being the person in charge of community liaison) who reported to him that commuters were being stoned and intimidated in Alexandra. The report of the above mentioned Inquest indicates that:

“(a) transcript of that conversation records Captain Wilken saying to Mr Khoza that “your people are breaking down the place,” to which there is the extraordinary reply that he “must expect that”. When Captain Wilken told him that people were “throwing stones etc, etc” Mr Khoza replied that “things have changed now,” and “it look like Inkatha is not going to be the same all the way now. So it’s a question of expect that”. Captain Wilken told him that he had been in touch with the Internal Stability Unit, who wanted to block the people from coming into town, to which Mr Khoza replied that they “should not try that”.

Quite clearly the intention was to bring death and destruction to the centre of Johannesburg. In this regard the organisers made no attempt to organise the event in such a way so as to minimise turmoil and avoid the loss of black lives. Thousands of people gathered in the city and their progression to that point was characterized by “widespread intimidation and vandalism.”

The events of 28th March 1994 were inextricably linked to the political rivalry between the IFP and ANC which had intensified at the relevant time concerned. These events occurred less than one month before South Africa’s first “democratic” election took place on 7 April 1994. On or about February 1994 the IFP announced its opposition to the holding of the said election. It subsequently decided on holding a gathering at the Library Gardens for the purpose of launching its “anti-election campaign”.

In the context of the political situation that prevailed the purpose went beyond the mere holding of a gathering at Library Gardens in Johannesburg to vocalize and register the grievances of the IFP. There was clearly an intention on the part of FW De Klerk as former President of Apartheid SA to demonstrate to blacks in general and to the ANC in particular the strength which the Apartheid regime and its alliances could garner and the capacity it had to cause turmoil including the senseless murdering of blacks if white interests were placed under threat. Taking all the material factors into account including the conduct of those who perpetrated violence; the disregard by the police of the intelligence it received; the speeches made by the leadership of the IFP being Mr Khoza and Mr Ndlovu, and; the political situation that prevailed at the given time – it is clear that the IFP was instructed by the Apartheid regime under the leadership and presidency of FW De Klerk. To this end FW De Klerk was part of the SSC that made the decision to murder black leadership and key activist elements engaged in the liberation struggle leading up the birth of the ANC government on 27 April 1994.

Accordingly as the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

8. CHARGE EIGHT: CONSPIRACY TO MURDER (VIA THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM)

ACCUSED: F.W DE KLERK

Subject: The Cradock Four, 27 JUNE 1985

Particulars

FW De Klerk was a member of the State Security Council (SSC) where a decision was taken to murder Matthew Goniwe who was a political activist and a teacher in the Eastern Cape. To this end the secret minutes of the said SSC meeting indicates that Mr De Klerk, in his capacity as cabinet minister, supported the decision to murder Matthew Goniwe as he (Mr Goniwe) was “at the forefront of a revolutionary attack against the state”. In this regard Jaap van Jaarsveld a security policeman testified at the TRC hearings that his subsequent recommendation to the SSC was that Mr Goniwe be “taken out” on a deserted road. Fifteen months following the aforesaid SSC decision on 27 June 1985, Mr Goniwe together with three other Eastern Cape UDF activists were “stopped at a roadblock, strangled with telephone wire, stabbed and shot to death” by members of the security police. The three other activists were Sparrow Mkonto, Fort Calata and Sicelo Mhlauli. They were driving back Cradock after attending a meeting in Port Elizabeth. Moreover their faces were burned and mutilated to prevent identification and Mr Goniwe’s hands were cut off. The word used, as indicated in the minutes of the SSC meeting, to describe the criminal act of murder on Mr Goniwe is the Afrikaans word “verwyder” which translates as “remove, get rid of, put out of the way, dispose of, eliminate, estrange, obviate”.

Four Eastern Cape UDF activists were abducted and assassinated by members of the security police on 27 June 1985 as they drove back to Cradock from a meeting in Port Elizabeth. The four were Matthew Goniwe, Sparrow Mkonto and Fort Calata from Cradock, and Sicelo Mhlauli from Oudtshoorn. Prior to being murdered all of them were periodically “detained, tortured and harassed by the police”.

As the order to murder protesters emanated from decisions taken at the SSC meeting of which he was a part of, De Klerk in his capacity should be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for his complicity in the crimes that resulted in the murders of blacks as indicated herein via the criminal justice system for conspiracy to murder.

COMPLAINTS AGAINST F.W. DE KLERK VIA THE SOUTH AFRICAN HUMAN

RIGHTS COMMISSION

COMPLAINT 1: RACISM (VIA THE SAHRC)

ACCUSED: F.W. DE KLERK

On 29 May 2015 F.W. De Klerk told the Bondsraad that apartheid was not a crime against humanity

FW De Klerk is a racist. He has since the 1994 political settlement continued to be racist and to this end shows no remorse for his anti-black apartheid era crimes. To this end his speech on May 29, 2015 to the Bondsraad at the Voortrekker Monument in Pretoria entitled “Afrikaans identity under huge pressure” where he unapologetically made the following is instructive:

“But was apartheid a ‘crime against humanity’ as the ANC so frequently insists?…The idea that apartheid was ‘a crime against humanity’ was, and remains, an ‘agitprop’project initiated by communists to stigmatise white South Africans by associating them with genuine crimes against humanity – which have generally included totalitarian repression and the slaughter of millions of people.”

De Klerk’s above remarks, in the context of the anti-black outcomes of the crimes that he himself has committed as indicated in the charges and complaints above, is racist. He must be made to account and pay for this blatant act of racism to the full extent of the law.

COMPLAINT 2: RACISM (VIA THE SAHRC)

ACCUSED: F.W. DE KLERK

FW De Klerk’s complaints on or about 15 January 2015 to the SAHRC on 45 allegedly racist posts by black people in the social media

FW De Klerk’s complaints to the SAHRC on 15 January 2016 against black people who made certain comments in 45 social media posts that he alleged to be racist is in itself an act of racism. The comments made by blacks on social media that are the subject matter of the complaint made by FW De Klerk via his FW De Klerk Foundation is a response to the racism of white supremacy. South Africa is a white supremacist society’s in terms of which the white power structure benefits whites at the expense of blacks. To this end blacks can’t be racist. To accuse blacks of racism when they make certain utterances against whites which at best can be described as prejudice (which is the case here) – is itself an act of racism as the accuser who has institutional power to be racist is seeking to deprive blacks of the right to respond to racism. De Klerk’s complaints to the SAHRC must be dismissed and he must in turn be prosecuted to the full extent of the law for racism.

Read the “List Of Charges via The Criminal Justice System Against F.W. De Klerk and Adrian Vlok” here: https://blf.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/BLF-CRIMINAL-CHARGE-SHEET-22.docx

Also read the “List Of Complaints To The SAHRC Against F.W. De Klerk and Adrian Vlok” here: https://blf.org.za/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/FW-DE-KLERK-COMPLAINTS-SAHRC.docx

Issued by the National Coordinating Committee of Black First Land First (BLF NCC)

19 February 2018

Black First Land First Email: [email protected]
Facebook: Black First Land First
Twitter: @black1stland1st
Website: www.blf.org.za

Zanele Lwana
(Deputy President)
Cell: +27799867225

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957

Brian Tloubatla
(Deputy National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 82 216 7664

BLF held successful meeting with Venezuela embassy

BLF held successful meeting with Venezuela embassy

Today, a delegtion of five Black First Land First (BLF) members led by the President of the movement, Andile Mngxitama, met the Ambassador of Venezuela Mrs Mairini Moreno Merinda and Deputy head of Mission Mr Omar Berrotena in Pretoria.

The meeting was at the request of BLF as part of its anti imperialism activities. During the meeting, BLF was informed about the regimen change campaigns in Venezuela by the opposition parties who are sponsored and directed by imperialism. The regime change efforts in Venezuela by the opposition parties is directed at stopping the Radical Economic Transformation in that society.

BLF also learnt about the unreasonble and false demands of the opposition parties which are all calculated to prolong the economic terrorism driven by the United States of American (USA). The revolution in Venezuela is in danger. The prolonged economic terrorism is wearing the population out. The USA funded demonstrations and protests are getting more and more violent.

BLF on its part has expressed 100% support for the Bolivarian Revolution. We believe that the regime change template being pursued in Venezuela is the same as the one that is pursued by the opposition parties and the pro imperialist faction of the ANC which is led by the corrupt Pravin Gordhan and the murderer of the Marikana workers, Cyril Ramaphosa. Imperialism must be defeated in Venezuela as well as in South Africa (SA).

BLF shall be undertaking further campaigns to popularise the “Hands Off Venezuela” campaign, including engaging in protest action at the USA embassy. Last month BLF sent a letter to President Maduro expressing its support for the withdrawal of Venezuela from the Organisation of American States (OAS). The attack on Venezuela is the same attack that is awaiting South Africans when we take back the land. Furthermore, BLF shall he countering the lies told by the white owned media about what’s going on in Venezuela.

The meeting ended on a high note where both parties agreed on further engagement to defend revolutionary government of Venezuela.

Issued by Black First Land First, National Coordinating Committee (BLF NCC)

1 June 2017

Contact details

Black First Land First Email:[email protected]
Facebook: Black First Land First | Twitter: @black1stland1st
Website: www.blf.org.za

Zanele Lwana
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 986 7225

Lindsay Maasdorp
(National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 79 915 2957

Brian Tloubatla
(Deputy National Spokesperson)
Cell: +27 82 216 7664