BLF to serve summons on Pravin Gordhan today 

BLF to serve summons on Pravin Gordhan today 

Press release 

Black First Land First (BLF) shall today, 21 October 2016, serve Minister Pravin Gordhanwith High Court papers. BLF had given Gordhan 48 hours to respond to a series of questions or face a court application. The 48 hours period lapses at 15:30 today and if by that time the attorneys of BLF have not received material responses to the questions sent to Minister Gordhan,  then summons will be served at the Office of the National Treasury in Tshwane this afternoon.

BLF shall ask the High Court to declare Gordhan conflicted, compromised and captured by while monopoly capital in particular by Johann Rupert. BLF has prepared court papers showing evidence of how Gordhan is conflicted and thereby unable to carry out his duties impartially.

Issued by the National Coordinating Committee, Black First Land First

21 October 2016

Email: [email protected]­

For further information contact:

BLF National Convener: Andile Mngxitama

Cell No:  082 678 3200

Email: [email protected]



“The caged bird sings with a fearful trill,

of things unknown, but longed for still,

and his tune is heard on the distant hill,

for the caged bird sings of freedom.” ― Maya Angelou, I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings


Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa died in the maximum-security Nebraska State Penitentiary on 11 March 2016  while serving a life sentence for the murder of an Omaha police officer. Right up to his death he remained loyal to the revolutionary perspective of the Black Panthers. Mondo was convicted and imprisoned in the early 1970’s  at the age of 23 as David Rice along with Ed Poindexte for a murder they didn’t commit –  together they were known as the Omaha Two. They were both at the relevant time leaders of the “Omaha’s Panther Chapter” referred to as “the National Committee to Combat Fascism”. We note that the person who confessed to the said murder concluded a deal with the state that resulted in him being released for falsely implicating  Mondo and Poindexter.


While in prison Mondo continued to speak out. His revolutionary offerings has featured in countless literary and other publications including his 1994 compilation,  “A View from Taney’s Place” and his poetry anthology “The Black Panther Is an African Cat”. He also contributed regularly to the “The Omaha Star” and was a columnist for the Lincoln Journal Star newspaper for a brief time.

It is reported that “Great Bateleur” a revolutionary poem by Mondo was featured in “Malcolm X: By Any Means Necessary” by Walter Dean Myers. Also many of Nebraska’s youth theatre groups have performed Mondo’s revolutionary plays. He was a proud  member of the Harambee Afrikan Cultural Organization while in prison.


The finding of the trial court in respect of  the “Omaha Two” was overturned by the Federal District Court. To this end Judge Warren Urbom held that the “Omaha Two” should be acquitted as there was insufficient reason to issue a warrant to search Mondo’s house. Arising from the “search” the state claimed to have found the dynamite that was employed to make the “suitcase bomb” that was used to kill the police officer. However on appeal the Supreme Court upheld both the finding and sentence of the trial court. In this regard the ruling of Judge Urbon was overruled by the Supreme Court.


From 1968 to 1970 the FBI evidently led an onslaught against the Omaha Black Panther Party. In 1974 when the FBI confessed to violating the human rights of hundreds of US  citizens through COINTELPRO (Counter Intelligence Program) the state apologized but did nothing to rectify the situation.


We know that, as with the cases of Mondo and Ed, being black before the justice system under a white supremacist system means you are operating on the principle of  “guilty until proven innocent”. This situation will continue to prevail until white supremacy is completely obliterated!

omaha 004

As a revolutionary before and during his incarceration Mondo demonstrated an unwavering commitment to the cause of the black revolution. BLF Salutes Mondo for his life’s service to the revolutionary cause and for his contribution to the revolutionary legacy of the Black Panther Party!


Long Live The Revolutionary Spirit Of Wopashitwe Mondo Eyen we Langa!




28 March 2016


Contact Details


Black First Land First Mail: [email protected]


Zanele Lwana

(National Spokesperson)

Cell: +27 79 486 9087

Mail: [email protected]


Lindsay Maasdorp

(National Spokesperson)

Cell: +27 79 915 2957

Mail: [email protected]


Operation Fiela has such wide objectives one can’t help but conclude that it is actually a ruse to criminalise Africans.

15 May 2015 00:00 Andile Mngxitama

When the government called in the army to quell the spirit of Afrophobic violence sweeping South Africa recently, I grudgingly supported the move. Afrophobia is what we wrongly call xenophobia. If we really hated and feared foreigners, then we wouldn’t be targeting blacks only, so for precision it should be called negrophobia-Afrophobia.

The black-on-black violence we have seen is merely the spiralling out of control of the permanent structural violence in the black community. The last time the police reported on the statistics it was clear that within a period of 12 months we murdered about 17 000, mostly black, young men. The black African who arrives here from outside South Africa is placed in this generalised violent reality.

As Steve Biko so correctly said, it’s a miracle for a black person to reach adulthood in South Africa – not to mention the real possibility of dying before one reached the age of five, given the genocidal levels of infant mortality rates among black people.

I supported the army call because brute force needed to be met with brute force to break the violent cycle before it consumed us all.

Now, with hindsight, I wonder if one can under any circumstances support the increased policing of black bodies by a police force and an army that is governed by antiblack racist beliefs and practices. The police and army in a racist society invariably dish out violence against blacks.

The deployment of the army was meant to increase visibility at street level and to break up the formation of violent mobs. Instead of this reasonable intervention, we saw an apartheid-like systematic brutalisation of people in the middle of the night in hostels. This was not dealing with Afrophobia; it was a criminalisation of a whole people by virtue of where they lived. Invariably, they were black and poor.

The targeting of hostels performs the function of deflecting attention away from the roots of the violence. It creates the impression of exceptionalism, of the hostels as sources of the violence, when the truth is that the agents of Afrophobia are every-where because the sources are so generalised.

The triumphalism of Operation Fiela revealed more than it concealed. Despite official police denials, the campaign was a perpetuation of Afrophobia by other means. Basically, the South African government brought in the army and the police to complete what the citizens were doing.

It must be remembered that the anti-African sentiment we see manifested as Afrophobia is essentially organised by the state in the first instance. It’s the government that treats black Africans as illegal. Operation Fiela finally gives official expression to the mooted idea that the black African is a subhuman – dirt to be despised and swept away.

Fiela literally means sweeping the dirt away. One fielas with a broom. Removal of vermin is a more apt description of the concept. This discourse, therefore, affirms the self-hatred among blacks as state-sanctioned. If the state does it, surely it must be correct to emulate it as citizens?

We end up with a situation in which black youths from the townships believe they can do as they wish with amakwerekwere (foreign Africans) – they are, after all, “surplus people”, or beings without legal protection, available to abuse by all.

It has been proven again and again that when blacks institute violence against each other the perpetrators mimic the methods of white society: they assume whiteness when, for example, they castrate, lynch or burn each other. The master is present even in his absence.

Colonial borders were primarily created to demarcate the property of Europeans, as they sliced and diced Africa and parcelled it out to each other in 1885 in Berlin.

This state’s antiblack discourse and practice is sustained and taken advantage of by businesses in South Africa. They employ “foreigners” and pay them less than they would pay South Africans – and then use the racist stereotype that “foreigners” are not lazy like black South Africans. The tragedy is that the “foreigners” internalise the same racist discourse.

Exploited, overworked, underpaid, the black African is seen as the subhuman who takes jobs. The labour law regime allows for this reality because the employer is protected by the “flexibility” of the labour market. So employers hire at below survival rates because they are dealing with people without rights.

The answer to this aspect of Afrophobia is to have minimum wages across all sectors and to insist whoever is employed has similar rights. It must be legally permissible to be employed without so-called papers but, once employed, you must enjoy all the rights defined for that sector. This would end the artificial divisions between South African and African, so separated by the artificial colonial border now given life at the job-market level.

Operation Fiela has such wide objectives one can’t help but conclude that it is actually a ruse to criminalise Africans who come from outside the country as part of driving them back “home” by any means necessary. The operation claims to be multifocal, ranging from ridding the country of illegal weapons to dealing with drugs, prostitution, human trafficking, hijacked buildings and general lawlessness – and somewhere nicely packed in this long catalogue of sins is “undocumented immigrants”.

Let’s see how the operation has performed to date. On May 3 the police issued a triumphalist statement: “The National Joint Operational and Intelligence Structure is happy with the successes of this past week’s Operation Fiela, which rooted out criminal elements in seven provinces, resulting in 889 arrests.”

Before you pop the champagne cork, look closer at the figures and see what is actually being swept clean. Of the 889 arrests a whopping 745 are “undocumented immigrants”. So the police have arrested only 144 for other crimes in the whole of seven provinces? More than 80% of the “criminal elements” are Africans ostensibly without papers. Here, blacks have been criminalised by virtue of their blackness, not because they have done anything wrong. This “success” also exposes the true motive of Operation Fiela.

If we look at this figure, the reports of harassment and the fact that so many people have been arrested that the Lindela repatriation camp can’t cope with the influx, then we understand that Operation Fiela is about sweeping South Africa clean of black Africans from outside our borders.

Some migrants have been waiting for their documents for up to 15 years, so it’s not their fault they are not “documented”.

The more penetrating question, though, is this: Why do Africans need to have documents to be anywhere? If there is a need to have any document then it must be a single document for all of us in the continent.

The tragedy is the ruling party is pandering to backward sentiment, which it has helped create, and then it turns around and feigns surprise when society follows its example.

The poor in South Africa are under sustained attack from poverty and hunger and, instead of addressing these issues, easy scapegoats are thrown about.

The government now, like all right-wing parties and governments in Europe, wants to come across as tough against the “undocumented” to placate the poor, instead of dealing with root causes that are about lack of transformation and the continuation of apartheid economic and property relations in South Africa.

This situation is exacerbated by the terrible ongoing economic and political crises here and in neighbouring countries. A solution to these crises needs an Africa-wide approach, but it can only take place within a decolonising politics and movement. Until then we are going to be trapped in these cycles of violence.

Andile Mngxitama is challenging his expulsion from the Economic Freedom Fighters

Government’s antiblack discourse and practices, like Operation Fiela, dehumanise African migrants.